I strongly doubt the CDC collects data on this angle (party affiliation) among the demographics factors they do ask for. So any answer is probably going to be an approximation based on where people lived. In that regard AEI has a breakdown by red/blue/swing states, but only to mid Oct and it's per-capita rather than raw number of deaths.
There's also a preprint from a UNC emeritus biostat prof modelling this difference further:
In a forward stepwise procedure in a
multivariable model for case rate, percentages of the state population that were Hispanic or
black, median age, median income, population density, and (residual) percentage poverty were
retained as statistically significant and explained 62% of the variation between states in case
rates. In a model with political party in power included, along with any additional variables that
notably affected the adjusted association between party in power and case rate, 69% of the
variance between states in case rates was explained, and adjusted case rates per 100,000 people
were 2155 for states with Democratic governments, 2269 for states with mixed governments,
and 2738 for Republican-led states. These estimates are based on data through October 8, 2020.
Conclusions: U.S. state-specific demographic and socio-economic variables are strongly
associated with the states’ COVID-19 case rates, so must be considered in analysis of variation
in case rates between the states. Adjusting for these factors, states with Democrats as the party
in power have lower case rates than Republican-led states. [...]
A similar analysis of COVID-19 death rates gave adjusted death rates that were lower in Democratic states and mixed government states than in Republican states, though not statistically significant lower. Whether we found a statistically significant association of death rate with the percentage Democratic of the vote in the 2016 presidential election depended on how we analyzed the percentage, though the associations were in the same direction as those in the party-in-power analysis.
A somewhat similar paper from different authors:
For death rates, Republican-led states had lower average rates early in the pandemic, but higher rates from July 13 (RR=1.22, 95% PI: 1.03,1.37) through September 30 (RR=1.74, 95% PI: 1.20, 2.24).
Pew also has some stats like this, but somewhat more fine-grained, at the level of congressional district:
And they have a more up-to-date graph in the style of the AEI one, but this one is not per-capita:
COVID-19 deaths in the March through May period were more than four times as high in strongly Democratic districts (where Republican congressional candidates received less than 25% of the vote in the 2018 midterm elections) as in districts where Republican candidates won more than 60% of the 2018 vote.
But from September through November, the death rate has been roughly twice as high in Republican strongholds than in places where the GOP lost the 2018 vote by wide margins. (Note: 2018 vote share is used for this analysis, since district-level data is not yet complete for the 2020 election.) [...]
While the total number of COVID-19 deaths in Democratic districts remains higher overall, new deaths have been higher on average in Republican-controlled districts since the end of July. New deaths in Republican controlled districts began increasing in mid-October while they were still falling somewhat overall in Democratically controlled districts. However, since November, deaths have been rising in both Republican and Democratic districts.
So if you want to go with this last (district-level) measure, which seems the most fine-grained data available, overall the "Republican" deaths from Covid-19 still have not caught up with the "Democratic" ones, as a cumulative figure.