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I found out from Wikipedia:

Croatia's accession to the EU obliges them to apply for membership in the European Economic Area (EEA). The Croatian government submitted their application on 13 September 2012, and membership negotiations started 15 March 2013 with the aim to enlarge both the EU and the EEA on the same date, 1 July 2013. However, this was not achieved. On 11 April 2014, the EU and its member states (including Croatia), Norway, Iceland and Liechtenstein signed an agreement concerning the accession of Croatia to the EEA. It is yet to be ratified, but is provisionally applied with regards to Croatia. As of March 2022, the agreement has been ratified by 23 out of 31 parties.

The list of countries that haven't ratified Croatia's accession to the EEA also seems pretty weird. E.g. France is on that list, but the French Senate and their National Assembly had unanimously ratified Croatia's accession to the EU. (The same goes for Cyprus' parliament.) So, what are the causes for this long delay in Croatia's accession to the EEA?

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    N.B., in the meantime "As of July 2024, the agreement has been ratified by all 31 parties except the European Union." --wikipedia says now. Commented Sep 20 at 8:45

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Question:

What stalled Croatia's application to the EEA?

Short Answer:

The some economically prosperous members of the EEA are required to contribute to the so-called EEA and Norway Grants, funds designed to reduce social and economic disparities within the EU. This is part of a broader effort to ensure that European integration does not create an unbridgeable chasm between the continent's more prosperous regions and those struggling to catch up. Objections and delays over Croatia's entry into the EEA have to deal with certain wealthy nations specifically non-EU members of the EEA objecting to having to pay money to yet another disadvantaged EU member state. They were delaying Croatia's entry in order to renegotiate these fees.

Answer:

In an era when the liberal democratic order appears ever more fragile, the tale of Croatia’s stalled accession to the European Economic Area (EEA) is one of the quieter yet illustrative moments in the tectonic shifts reshaping Europe. Croatia, having joined the European Union in July 2013, found itself marooned outside of the broader EEA framework, its membership process delayed not by Brussels, but by three small, then non-EU states: Norway, Iceland, and Liechtenstein. The causes of this delay reveal a telling intersection of financial prudence, national interests, and the sometimes-messy mechanisms of European integration.

The EEA, for those unfamiliar with the alphabet soup of European institutions, is a broad alliance that extends the European Union's internal market to non-EU members, providing for the free movement of goods, services, people, and capital across most of the continent. For Croatia, securing a seat at the EEA table was not merely a bureaucratic box to be checked; it was a vital step in consolidating the gains of its hard-won EU membership.

Yet, even as Croatia celebrated its accession to the EU, its entry into the EEA hit an unanticipated roadblock. The opposition did not come from the EU, but from a triad of EFTA nations: Norway, Iceland, and Liechtenstein. While the latter two countries occupy a geopolitical space that tends to be overshadowed by their continental neighbors, it was Norway—wealthy, sovereign, and occasionally reluctant to be subsumed into the EU’s orbit—that emerged as the principal actor in this drama.

The central issue was one that would make Adam Smith smile: money. The non-EU members of the EEA, particularly Norway, are required to contribute to the so-called EEA and Norway Grants, funds designed to reduce social and economic disparities within the EU. This is part of a broader effort to ensure that European integration does not create an unbridgeable chasm between the continent's more prosperous regions and those struggling to catch up. Croatia’s entry into the EEA would naturally mean that these financial contributions would increase.

Norway, as the wealthiest of the three non-EU EEA countries, balked. The Norwegians, careful stewards of their oil wealth, did not relish the prospect of adding Croatia to the roster of beneficiaries. One might suspect that this was not merely a matter of fiscal discipline but also of political symbolism. Norway has long been ambivalent about its relationship with the European Union, a tension most clearly reflected in the Norwegian electorate’s consistent rejection of full EU membership. Their involvement in the EEA represents a delicate balance between economic pragmatism and political sovereignty.

To those familiar with the arc of European integration, this may seem unsurprising. The EU's expansion into Central and Eastern Europe—while undeniably a political triumph—has come with its own set of challenges, not least the financial commitments required to elevate the former communist countries to something approaching the Western European standard. As Croatia prepared to join the EEA, Norway, Iceland, and Liechtenstein faced the unenviable task of calculating the financial and legal repercussions of another member state, however small.

Negotiations dragged on, and for a time, it seemed as though Croatia’s EEA prospects might founder on the shoals of Nordic caution. Indeed, while the EU—no stranger to its own labyrinthine bureaucracy—moved forward with Croatia’s accession, the smaller, nimbler EFTA countries took a more measured approach. Their reluctance, perhaps seen as obstructionist by some in Zagreb, could just as easily be interpreted as a reflection of the very deliberative process that underpins Europe’s democratic project.

But even in Europe, time and negotiation have a way of smoothing the sharp edges of national interest. After a period of diplomatic wrangling, an agreement was reached in 2014. Croatia’s accession to the EEA was ratified, bringing the country into the fold of the broader European economic system. That it took nearly a year after Croatia’s EU membership to secure its place in the EEA is a reminder that European integration, far from being a monolithic project, is subject to the capricious winds of national interest and negotiation.

What, then, are the broader lessons to be drawn from this episode? For one, it demonstrates that the process of European integration—despite the vast technocratic machinery of Brussels—is still one that is fundamentally political. National governments, even those of countries as small as Liechtenstein, retain the ability to shape, delay, or modify the contours of the European project. Secondly, it underscores the peculiar dynamics of wealthier states in Europe, particularly Norway, which find themselves perpetually balancing the benefits of European integration with the desire to remain outside the political structures of the EU.

Finally, Croatia’s delayed EEA membership highlights a truth that should not be overlooked: the European Union, for all its supranational ambitions, remains a club whose borders are defined by the interests of its members. The delay in Croatia’s EEA membership was not a reflection of Zagreb’s unworthiness but of the broader tensions between financial contributions and political sovereignty that continue to animate Europe today.

In the end, Croatia’s eventual accession to the EEA might have passed with little fanfare, but the forces that shaped its delay are anything but trivial. They remind us that in Europe, as elsewhere, economics and politics are inextricably linked, and the future of integration will always depend on the willingness of its wealthiest members to bear the cost of unity.

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    Could you add some sources to support this? Was there any reporting on the negotiations? Are any diplomats or politicians on the record commenting on this? Is there anything showing that this was the primary reason for the delay or even an important reason for it?
    – phoog
    Commented Sep 20 at 8:31
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    The essence of this answer seems to be that "The opposition did not come from the EU, but from a triad of EFTA nations: Norway, Iceland, and Liechtenstein". Except the EU is the last party that hasn't yet signed. Anyhow, it's possible your claim was true at some point. Do you have a source? AFAICT Norway signed in 2014, and so did Liechtenstein, with Iceland in 2015 consilium.europa.eu/en/documents-publications/… So, this was hardly a valid answer even in 2022, when I wrote the Q, even less now. Commented Sep 20 at 8:48
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    Is this ChatGPT generated? Commented Oct 18 at 4:26
  • Very strange and verbose stile to say so little. "But even in Europe, time and negotiation have a way of smoothing the sharp edges of national interest." Do negotiations have more effect elsewhere? Is there somehow less national interest in other regions? (Just an example)
    – Hulk
    Commented Oct 18 at 7:18

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